Wednesday, February 19, 2025

The Great Schedule War

National League club owners faced many challenges throughout the Deadball Era (1901-1919).  Twice they went to war with upstart rival leagues, once winning and once making peace.  And there was no shortage of controversies, especially the 1908 Merkle game and its aftermath.  The owners, or magnates, as they liked to be called, could easily have picked any of these as the most important issue they had faced.  But Brooklyn’s Charles Ebbets, an active participant in every owner’s meeting of the period, would have disagreed.  The Dodgers owner claimed that “the building of a schedule,” something we may take for granted today, was the “the most important proposition that we [the owners] have to deal with.”  


Brooklyn Daily Eagle - February 14, 1911

How could something seemingly so routine have so much significance?   While the assignment of playing dates may not seem crucial, the schedule’s importance lay in its impact on ticket sales, every team’s primary, if not only, source of revenue.  In a world without television or radio and little, if any, merchandise sales, the quarters fans put down to enter the ballpark were all owners had to meet their expenses.  And the potential supply of paying customers was limited.  No matter how many fans wanted to see a game, most worked six days a week, well before night baseball.  Further limiting ticket sales was the inability of the five clubs in the sabbath observing east to play on the one day most people were off from work.  All of this made for intense competition for the best dates known as “plums.” So fierce were the “heated discussions” on the 1888 National League schedule that the debate lasted twelve hours, finally ending at 3:00 a.m. 

Clearly the schedule-making system, to the extent there was one, wasn’t working.  Fortunately, when the Brooklyn club joined the National League in 1890, club owner Charles Bryne brought with him, his right-hand man, the aforementioned Mr. Ebbets.  During Brooklyn’s time in the American Association, Ebbets “did most of the work” on that league’s schedule.  When Brooklyn joined the National League, Byrne, and therefore, Ebbets joined the schedule committee.  His work was of such high quality that both leagues passed resolutions thanking him for bringing order out of chaos.  Perhaps Ebbets’ greatest achievement was the 1892 schedule when he converted a 140-game, eight-team league, full-season schedule to 150 games with 12 teams and a split season.  Ebbets did such a good job, that his proposed schedule was adopted without a single change.  Although it hardly seems radical, the solution to the fight over the “plums” was the seemingly obvious approach of rotating the most lucrative dates.  Recognizing the value of his work, Ebbets, who was nobody’s fool, obtained copyrights on his schedule forms as early as 1885.



Charles Ebbets in his prime

By the early twentieth century, the National League was no longer solely dependent on Ebbets’ schedule-making expertise.  About 1904, Barney Dreyfuss, owner of the Pittsburgh Pirates joined the committee, a position he held until 1927.  Although little specific information survives about Dreyfuss’ schedule-making skills when  he retired from the committee, the Pittsburgh owner was “lauded for his expertise, his evenhandedness and the integrity he exhibited as committee chairman.”  Ebbets, himself, praised Dreyfuss’ ability, calling the Pittsburgh owner his “superior as a schedule maker.”  There was, however, a cost to the added expertise, two men with large egos and a penchant for being difficult.  Dreyfuss, more than a little immodestly, considered himself “ a pretty smart fellow.” Less broadly, but no less egotistically, Ebbets dubbed himself “an expert on schedules.”  Contemporary sportswriter, Fred Lieb claimed Dreyfuss “wasn’t too easy to get along with” and said fellow owners “often accused him of being arbitrary, unreasonable and obstinate.”  Ebbets may have been Dreyfuss's equal in the latter category, acknowledging his own “stubborn disposition.

Having two experts on the committee was an advantage so long as the two men agreed.  But if they disagreed, especially on a major issue, there was the potential for bitter conflict.  And such was the case with the great schedule war of 1910. It began innocently enough at the December 1909 NL owners’ meeting.  After much debate, the eight owners finally agreed on a compromise candidate for league president, retired umpire Thomas Lynch.  With the owners exhausted and ready to go home, Ebbets proposed increasing the 1910 schedule from 154 to 168 games.  Unfortunately, for Ebbets, his fellow expert, Mr. Dreyfuss immediately claimed it wasn’t feasible.  Ebbets wisely avoided a debate no one had the energy for, by seeking and receiving approval to prepare a 168-game schedule for future consideration. In voting for the resolution which passed 6-2, Cincinnati owner Garry Herrmann reminded everyone, and especially Ebbets, that the vote was not a commitment to adopt such a schedule.  Ominously for Ebbets, Barney Dreyfuss cast one of the two negative votes.


Barney Dreyfuss

While Dreyfuss might have had legitimate concerns about the practicality of adding 14 games to the season, Ebbets had good reasons for arguing that the league should experiment with an expanded schedule. Most importantly, the extra games would generate additional revenue with little added cost since player salary expenses wouldn’t increase.  Furthermore, scheduling the games as add-ons to regular series meant travel expenses would remain the same.  The only additional expenses would be increased hotel costs and higher ballpark operating expenses, which Ebbets estimated would be about $1,000.  All told the Brooklyn owner projected that each team would generate $7-10,000 (about $238,000 to $340,000 today) of additional revenue, almost all of which would go directly to the bottom line.

Ebbets, recognizing that Dreyfuss could wreak havoc with his proposal, gave all of the owners the chance to express their opinions. He found that only Dreyfuss was totally opposed although some support for the longer schedule was qualified.  Since the American League had a voice, the Brooklyn owner also polled that league’s eight owners all of whom seemed to be on board.  Unfortunately, for Ebbets, however, given Ban Johnson’s autocratic nature, that didn’t mean that the American League would support the idea.  Touching all the bases, Ebbets went to Milwaukee to learn about the American Association’s experience with a 168-game schedule.  While the rest of the National League owners enjoyed Christmas, Ebbets worked all that day and the following day, a Sunday, to prepare a draft schedule which he sent out for comment.  As a preemptive move, Ebbets tried to meet with Dreyfuss, but that didn’t happen.  That was a bad omen, suggesting that war clouds were gathering.

Like a general going on the offensive, Dreyfuss could choose when and where to attack.  The Pittsburgh owner decided to fire his first shot through the media. Rather than use local Pittsburgh papers that might be accused of favoritism, Dreyfuss chose Jack Ryder, a prominent sportswriter for the Cincinnati Enquirer.  The attack began on January 7 under a headline proclaiming, “Barney Hopes for Fewer Games” and “Will Oppose It [the 168 game schedule] at League Meeting.”  Dreyfuss’ objections included conflicts with football, problematic fall weather and potential damage to the still relatively new World Series.  The Pittsburgh owner left little room for debate, telling Ryder “It is hard to me to see a single reasonable argument in favor of extending our present schedule.”  



Emphasizing Dreyfuss’ power on schedule issues, Ryder claimed it was “quite likely that the long schedule will be abandoned.”  Piling on a day later, Ryder, reported that Dreyfuss was recruiting Reds owner Herrmann to his side, news guaranteed to upset, if not infuriate Ebbets.  Rubbing salt in Ebbets wounds, Ryder said Dreyfuss “took some delight in finding these flaws [in the schedule].”  Ryder even claimed that “the agreement to play 168 games was rushed through . . . with no consideration at all.” 

Understandably, Ebbets was livid over Dreyfuss’ public attack on him and his brainchild.  Responding in kind, the Brooklyn owner used the Brooklyn Daily Eagle to tell the world that “Dreyfuss has been discourteous.”   Reminding Dreyfuss, and everyone else, that his draft schedule was for discussion purposes only, the Brooklyn owner rightfully argued it was not “proper for anybody to throw rocks at the tentative work of anybody especially in the papers.”   Making the public criticism even more inappropriate was Dreyfuss's failure to have the courtesy to even acknowledge receipt of Ebbets' draft.  Going on the attack, the Brooklyn owner claimed Dreyfuss was so confident his club would repeat as pennant winners he was afraid the extra regular season games would hurt World Series attendance and, therefore, the Pirates' bottom line.  If this was too subtle, Ebbets added that Dreyfuss “is only looking at his own selfish end of it.”  With magnificent understatement, the Eagle noted that the two men “have locked horns.”

Having gone on the offensive Ebbets kept up his counterattack, using the Eagle to demand Dreyfuss resign from the committee for publicly criticizing a working document.  Ebbets argued that if the Pittsburgh owner didn’t step down, there would be two experts on the committee with opposite viewpoints.  The divided National League delegation would then be at a major disadvantage in schedule negotiations with the American League especially since new National League president Lynch admitted he knew nothing about the subject.  


Brooklyn Daily Eagle - January 15, 1910

Dreyfuss would have none of it, shrewdly saying he would resign, but only if Ebbets also did so.  It was a shrewd move because Dreyfuss knew Ebbets would dismiss the idea since there would then be no one left on the committee with the necessary expertise.  The Brooklyn owner promptly did so calling Dreyfuss’ counterproposal a “a joke.”  That being the case, Dreyfuss retorted “There is no chance of my withdrawing and allowing Ebbets to sit in there with his long schedule ideas, not a chance.” Clearly, no minds had been changed and the media campaign was a stalemate.  But Dreyfuss had already opened a new front, less public, but directed at the only audience that really mattered.

A day after Brooklyn owner launched his newspaper counteroffensive, Dreyfuss finally wrote to Ebbets about his 168-game draft schedule which Dreyfuss claimed had “many flaws.” Deflecting the Cincinnati Enquirer articles by claiming they weren’t “authentic interviews” and promising he would go along as “a good soldier should” if he lost, the Pittsburgh owner got down to specifics.  According to Dreyfuss, playing 168 games meant the World Series couldn’t start until October 17 or 18, turning the Fall Classic into “a farce in more ways than one.”  Beyond that, the weather would be too cold and there would be competition from college football.  Scheduling doubleheaders, as opposed to using them for makeups, was also a problem as was a shortage of open dates in some cities.  Anticipating correctly, that Ban Johnson wouldn’t approve of the 168-game schedule, Dreyfuss stressed the importance of working cooperatively with the American League.

If Dreyfuss thought his letter was going to stop Ebbets, he was very much mistaken. In keeping with his verbose nature, the Brooklyn owner wrote a seven-page response, again ripping into Dreyfuss’ “discourteously ridiculing [the draft schedule] through the public press.”  With more than a little sarcasm, Ebbets wondered if he had been “dreaming” about the Cincinnati Enquirer articles since they contained “precisely” the same arguments Dreyfuss made in his letter.  And Ebbets asked, if the draft had so many flaws, why Dreyfuss didn’t help like “a sincere committeeman would” to correct them.  Nor did Ebbets have much time for Dreyfuss's specific criticisms.  Ebbets believed “the World Series will draw anytime in October” and asked if baseball was “to be a sideshow for football.” Perhaps most powerful was Ebbets' argument that there was little risk in trying the 168-game schedule in 1910 since if it was “not satisfactory we can easily go back to 154 in 1911.” Escalating the conflict even further, Ebbets shared his letter with the other league presidents, angering Dreyfuss in the process.  


Left to right - American League president, Ban Johnson, Cincinnati Reds owner, Garry Herrmann and National League president Thomas Lynch

Ebbets’ proposal for a one-year experiment with the 168-game schedule was a reasonable approach, but by this point, there was little interest in rational discussion. Nor would there be any more indirect debates between the two sides. The time had come for face-to-face confrontation beginning with a January 24 joint schedule committee meeting in Pittsburgh. It's hard to imagine a house more divided than the National League committee. Dreyfuss and Ebbets were adamantly opposed to each other while Lynch, who had been in office all of 30 days, brought no experience and little credibility to the debate. No such division existed in the American League. In spite of Ebbets' claim that the American League magnates favored the 168-game alternative, it was Ban Johnson who prepared the schedule.  Sadly for Ebbets, Johnson was opposed to playing 168 games, agreeing with Dreyfuss that there would be too many doubleheaders and that it would hurt the World Series.  

Given the degree of disagreement, it would have been no surprise if the meeting was a total waste of time.  Surprisingly, Lynch, who seemed unlikely to make any meaningful contribution, helped turn the meeting from a disaster into a highly productive session.  At the National League president’s urging Johnson agreed to have the two sides work together to build the best schedules possible for both the 154 and 168 game versions. To that end, the assembled magnates and league presidents devoted two days to the 168-game schedule and a third to the 154-game version.  It was, Dreyfuss told Herrmann, “the hardest work I have ever been called upon to perform on a schedule.  While no minds were changed, there was agreement that the 154 game schedule was the best ever.  It was in Ebbets' words a “great improvement.”  

While the joint schedule meeting was productive, it was only a preliminary skirmish to the decisive battle of the great schedule war. The final engagement took place on an unlikely battlefield, the palatial Waldorf-Astoria in New York City, the site of the February 1910 National League owners meeting.  It was a decisive battle because when all was said and done, the decision rested with the eight men who gathered in New York City.  True to his promise at the joint schedule meeting, Ebbets presented the advantages and disadvantages of both schedules acknowledging the quality of the 154 game version.  However, the Brooklyn owner then shifted gears, warning his fellow owners that to  “chloroform” the longer schedule would cost the Brooklyn club $10,000 in revenue.  Ebbets then moved approval of the 168-game schedule and to no one’s surprise, Dreyfuss repeated his arguments against it.


Waldorf Astoria

As the other owners spoke it became clear support for the expanded schedule was eroding.  Somewhat amusing was Giants owner John T. Brush’s claim that after all of Ebbets work, it grieved Brush that he couldn’t support the Brooklyn owner’s proposal. Grief was not an emotion ordinarily associated with the dour Brush.  In the end, Ebbets mustered only four votes, and his proposal failed.  The failure also meant the end of any effort at polite debate.  Ebbets angrily complained that the league had placed the schedule committee in a difficult situation and claimed the owners were making him “a God damn Patsy Bolivar.” (Patsy Bolivar was a scapegoat in a vaudeville act)  And on that happy note, the meeting adjourned for the day.

By the time the magnates reconvened the next afternoon, the atmosphere hadn’t improved.  Dreyfuss moved the 154 games schedule with the proviso that clubs could play through Columbus Day, another pet Ebbets project.  The concession did little for the Brooklyn owner’s state of mind.  Complaining bitterly about Dreyfuss's treatment of him, Ebbets warned the Pittsburgh owner not to “cram words in my mouth” and that he would “be God damned” if he would be “misrepresented.”  The verbal fisticuffs weren’t helpful and Dreyfuss’ proposed schedule didn’t do any better with another 4-4 vote.  Just how divided the owners were became crystal clear when a motion to adjourn was lost by a 3-5 vote.  Another 24-hour respite, part of which was spent at the hotel bar also didn’t help.  Just discussing the schedule at this point required a change in order of business but that too failed by a 3-4-1 vote.  

By then it must have seemed like the owners would never agree on a schedule.  Finally, however, Ebbets faced the reality that he couldn’t achieve his 168-game dream and that a 1910 schedule had to be approved.  Desiring “in a measure to sacrifice myself,” the Brooklyn owner said that if some minor changes were made to the 154-game version, he and his supporters would vote for it.  After the changes were accepted, Ebbets moved approval of the schedule and asked Dreyfuss to second it.  Dreyfuss agreed to do so, the resolution passed unanimously, and the great schedule war was over.


Giants owner - John T. Brush

Although the 1910 schedule was finished, the debate about the schedule-making process was far from over.  At the February meeting, Bush had proposed that the league president prepare future schedules.  When owners gathered in December of 1910, Gary Herrmann moved a constitutional amendment to that effect.  Dreyfuss supported the idea, noting that in the American League, President Ban Johnson prepared the schedule and couldn’t, therefore, be accused of favoring his own team, a charge frequently lodged against Dreyfuss and Ebbets.  It was here in vehemently disagreeing that Ebbets argued that the schedule was “the most important proposition” to come before the magnates.  From his own experience, Ebbets firmly believed schedule making “needs an expert.”  Ebbets also praised Dreyfuss’ schedule-making ability and apologized for his role in the acrimony.  Moved by Ebbets eloquence and perhaps by his graciousness, the amendment was defeated leaving the schedule committee in place.

In the best of all possible worlds, the debate over schedule-making would have ended in this spirit of reconciliation.  But it was not the best of at least that world.  Ebbets had tangled with Thomas Lynch over other issues and the National League president now had his revenge.  In reappointing the schedule committee, Lynch retained Dreyfuss but left Ebbets out.  The Brooklyn owner knew full well that making only one change to the membership of the schedule committee told the world he was the “discordant element.”  Understandably, and rightfully upset, Ebbets denied he was the cause of any such discord and insisted he had always acted in the best interest of the entire league.  It was Ebbets told his peers “A deliberate slap at me and I thank you for it.”  


Brooklyn Daily Eagle - January 3, 1911

Although Ebbets’ “thank you,” was more than a little sarcastic, it didn’t take him long to see the benefits of being relieved of his schedule-making responsibilities.  Early in the new year, the Eagle reported that Ebbets was so “delighted” at the new “state of affairs” that he was going to celebrate with a month-long vacation to “forget baseball.”  Ebbets was not, however, leaving without a parting shot.  Since “harmony” supposedly now prevailed on the schedule committee, the Brooklyn owner expected “a perfect schedule” and would “be satisfied with nothing short of that.” 

Needless to say, the 1911 schedule, like all schedules, past, present and future, wasn’t perfect. There was no perfect schedule, the challenge was to build the best one possible.  In 1910, Barney Dreyfuss and Ban Johnson may have been correct that trying to cram 14 more games into an already crowded schedule wasn’t a good idea.   Ebbets, however, was proven right over the long term.  Fifty years later, the American League moved to 162 games, proving major league baseball could play more than 154 regular season games.  And the addition of playoff games seven years later was the first step in pushing the World Series well beyond the mid-October dates so feared by Dreyfuss.  In December of 1909, Ebbets was subject to more than a little ridicule for proclaiming that baseball was “in its infancy.” Although perhaps poorly expressed, the Brooklyn owners’ point was that baseball had evolved and would continue to do so.  And the schedule was, and always will be, part of that evolution.






Wednesday, February 5, 2025

A New Season

When does the baseball season begin? Most people would say Major League Baseball's opening day.  Thanks to the Dodgers and Cubs' early season visit to Japan, the 2025 season begins in less than two months.  Others might choose the opening of spring training camps, now only days away.  But baseball operates at other levels, which while not as important in the big picture, are very much so to the participants.  Take, for example, nineteenth-century baseball, more popularly known as vintage baseball.  In that world, there is no universal opening day, but for me, it's the day the Flemington Neshanock announces its schedule, the beginning of a journey from early April to late September.


Every baseball season is important, but this year has special significance for the Neshanock because it's our 25th year of recreating 1860s baseball.  The teams of the Civil War era were notoriously short-lived and many vintage teams have suffered a similar fate so this is a significant achievement.  While many people have contributed, first and foremost is Brad "Brooklyn" Shaw the team's founder.  It's arguable as to which is more difficult, starting something or sustaining it, but it doesn't matter in this case because Brad not only founded the Neshanock, he kept the team going and continues to contribute today even after stepping back from an active role.


Brad "Brooklyn" Shaw, right, pictured with Bruce Leith of the Elkton Eclipse, another team Brad helped get started - photo by Mark Granieri

While there may not have been a formal goal-setting process at the beginning, for the past quarter-century, the Neshanock have had three major priorities  - to have fun playing nineteenth-century baseball, to play it historically accurately and to teach baseball history.  Meeting these goals has challenges, but teaching baseball history is especially difficult because it requires an audience.  This is an area where Brad was very creative, deciding that rather than have a home field, the Neshanock would play events sponsored by partner organizations that have a base of potential spectators.  In 2025, these games, once again, make up the heart of the Neshanock schedule.  


Zane Grey, far right, played both minor league and semi-pro baseball in New Jersey

Seven long-time partners. - Ringwood Manor State Park, Fosterfields Living History Farm, Historic New Bridge Landing, Howell Living History Farm, the Historical Society of Princeton, the Dey Farm and Newtown, Pennsylvania are again on the schedule.  More recent host organizations are the Lambertville Historical Society and Washington Borough.  We're also happy to add two new partners - Bergen County and the Zane Grey Historical Site in Lackawaxen, Pennsylvania.  Although far better known for his Western novels, Zane Grey also wrote baseball fiction some of which was based on his experiences playing baseball in New Jersey.  There's also a special educational program on the 2025 schedule.  Last year, at the invitation of Bart Bronk, Head of the Hun School in Princeton, Sam Bernstein and I gave a classroom presentation, followed by an informal game between the students and the Neshanock.  We look forward to returning on Friday, May 30.


The Elizabeth Resolutes and the Neshanock, New Jersey's two senior vintage clubs will meet three times this season - photo by Mary Nunn

While having fun may seem like an unusual goal, it's unlikely the Neshanock would have made 25 years, if the players didn't enjoy themselves.  Having fun in vintage baseball means playing games that we try to win, against opponents who we like and respect.  As in the past, there are two categories of opponents.  With two exceptions, Flemington will face teams with whom we have a history of friendly competition.  Once again we will play all of the New Jersey vintage teams - the Elizabeth Resolutes, the Hoboken Nine, Monmouth Furnace and the Logan Club.  We are also fortunate to have two matches with the Atlantic Club of Brooklyn, one of the top nineteenth-century teams in the country  Although they only play on special occasions, we also look forward to once again playing the Newtown Strakes and the Enterprise Club of River Edge, two "town" teams.  


The Neshanock look forward to playing before enthusiastic crowds again in 2025, like this one at the Howell Living History Farm - picture by Mark Granieri

Playing and developing long-term relationships with local teams is crucial to our success, but we also like to play new teams or clubs we don't play regularly.  This year there will be two such opportunities, one a longtime tradition and the other an inaugural event.  New on the schedule is an end-of-season tournament sponsored by the National Association of Historically Accurate Base Ball Clubs.  Featuring 16 teams, the tournament will be played near Great Wolf Lodge in Perryville, Maryland. No Neshanock schedule would be complete without our annual trip to Gettysburg for the National Nineteenth Century Base Ball Festival sponsored by our friends the Elkton Eclipse.  The Neshanock are proud to be a charter member of this event which dates back to 2010.


We look forward to another visit to the Hun School in Princeton where once again as teachers "by our students, we'll be taught."

Of the three goals, historically accuracy is the Neshanock's highest priority.  To play baseball the way it was played in the 1860s.  It's not always easy.  Sometimes there isn't clear historical evidence about how the game was played over 150 years ago. And there also have to be adjustments for safety and participation.  It's a learning process and we never stop learning.  Last year at the Hun School, a ground ball was hit to the pitcher where there was no play so I called out "Eat it," that is, don't throw it.  The student beside me asked, "Did they say that in the 1860s?" With some embarrassment, I admitted they didn't and it was a reminder that we need to focus on historically accurate baseball language  This season will doubtless offer similar lessons. I speak for the entire Neshanock community in saying we can't wait to get started on this historic season. 








  





 

Thursday, October 24, 2024

Leading Off

Back in the 1950’s when I read My Greatest Day in Baseball for the firs time, some stories stood out as accounts of historic games, others as the memories of great players and a few because they illustrated how baseball was played in different eras.  One story, however, didn’t seem to fit.  Although supposedly the account of Christy Mathewson's greatest day, the story wasn’t told by Mathewson, but by someone named Lloyd Lewis who wasn’t even a player. More importantly, the fourth game of the 1911 World Series hardly seemed like the legendary Hall of Fame pitcher’s most memorable day in baseball.   As a result, many years later when I began going through the original oral histories published in the Chicago Daily News, I was surprised to learn that Lewis’ essay led off the series.


Michael "Nuf Ced" McGreevy Collection - Boston Public Library

Lewis’s memory was likely published first because he was the paper's sports editor.  Indeed, it’s possible the project was his idea.  The series began in February 1943, the second winter of World War II, when sports news was sparse.  Hard-pressed for content, it was decided to publish the paper’s sportswriters’ best baseball memories.  Even if it wasn’t Lewis’s idea, as editor, it was appropriate to ask him to go first.  The essays were so popular that the paper expanded the series to include players, beginning a regular off-season feature that ran for several years.

Lloyd Lewis graduated from Swarthmore College in 1913 and began working for the North American, a Philadelphia newspaper. After serving in the Navy in World War I, he worked in public relations with a Chicago-based movie theater chain before becoming the Chicago Daily News drama critic in 1930.  Six years later, he shifted from the stage and screen to the field and court as the sports editor, newspaper departments perhaps not as dissimilar as they may first appear.


Lloyd Lewis

Lewis “brought new elements of human interest” to sports coverage which produced “an unorthodox but sprightly sports page.”Among the causes he took up was the integration of major league baseball. Not long after the “Greatest Day” series began, Lewis was promoted to managing editor.  However, his tenure was short-lived. Just two years later in 1945 he “retired” from journalism to focus on writing Civil War history.  The author of an acclaimed biography of William Tecumseh Sherman, Lewis completed the first book of a three-volume biography of Ulysses S. Grant in 1949, but then suddenly died from a heart attack.  The work was finished by the distinguished Civil War historian Bruce Catton. Lewis was reportedly “rich in friendships with the great literary, artistic, political and sports figures of his time” including Carl Sandburg, Sinclair Lewis and Adlai Stevenson, then Governor of Illinois. 

According to an obituary in the Chicago Daily Sun-Times, Lewis “had a deep understanding of and a lively sympathy for people - - for man in his moments of greatness and of foolish weakness.” This understanding served him well in writing about Christy Mathewson and Rube Marquard's struggles with "Home Run" Baker in the 1911 World Series.  Lewis provides colorful descriptions of that October afternoon's protagonists, calling Baker a “long lean yokel,” while Matthewson was “all bone and muscle and princely poise.”  Special attention is naturally devoted to his beloved Giants as the “cocky, ornery, defiant men of Muggsy McGraw.”  Using rich language and vivid prose, Lewis brings to life the intensity of an epic World Series clash well over a century ago. Woven into that narrative is the almost universal but still sad experience of realizing one’s hero, while heroic, is also human. Lewis set an example for the memories that came after.  His story not only belonged in the series, it deserved to be first. 


Lewis and other fans waiting more or less patiently on the ticket line

“When the bleacher gates at Shibe Park in Philadelphia were thrown open on the morning of October 24, 1911, I was in the mob that went whooping toward the front seats.  I got one, partly because the right-field crowd was smaller than the one in left.  Most Philadelphians wanted to sit close to their worshipped Athletics, for the World Series at that moment stood two games to one for Connie Mack against John McGraw, and Philadelphia was loud and passionate in the confidence that now they would get revenge for the bitter dose – 4 games to 1 – three shutouts, the Giants had given them six years before.

Me, I wanted to get as close to the Giants as possible, and found a place at the rail close to the empty chairs which would that afternoon become the Giants’ bullpen.  My whole adolescence had been devoted, so far as baseball went – and it went a long way to an Indiana farm boy – to the Giants and to their kingly pitcher, the great, the incomparable Christy Mathewson.  I hadn’t had the courage to cut classes in the nearby college and go to the first game of the series at Shibe Park.  But today I had.  Things were desperate.  Up in New York’s Polo Grounds to start this, the World Series, Mathewson had won – 2 to 1 – giving but five hits and demonstrating that with 12 years of herculean toil behind him he was practically as invincible as when in 1905 he had shut out these same Athletics three times.


"And give Baker a nickname for life" - Philadelphia Inquirer - October 17, 1911

It had looked like 1905 over again; then in the second game, the A’s long, lean yokel third baseman J. Franklin Baker had suddenly and incredibly knocked a home run off Rube Marquard, the Giants amazing young pitcher.  Baker, who had hit only 9 homers all season, had tagged the 22-year-old Giant and two runs had come in – and the final had stood 3-1.

The papers which I read, as the morning wore on, were still full of that home run and its aftermath.

From the start of the series the newspapers had been publishing syndicated articles signed by Giant and Athletic stars – the real start of the “ghost writers” whose spurious trade flourished so long but which the better papers in time eliminated. And in the article signed by Mathewson the day after Marquard’s disaster it had been said that Rube had lost the game by failing to obey orders.  The article rebuked the boy for throwing Baker the high outside pitch he liked, instead of the low fast one he didn’t like and which McGraw had ordered.


Headline from Mathewson's ghosted column after Baker's First home run - New York Times - October 17, 1911

The rebuke had been a sensation which grew in the third game when Baker had hit another homer off of Mathewson himself, and been the main wrecker of the great man’s long sway over the A’s.  Up to the ninth inning of that third game Matty had kept command.  Always when the Athletics had got men on bases he had turned on his magic.  As he went to the bench at the end of the eighth, New York had risen and given him a tremendous ovation, for in 44 innings of World Series play, 1905 and 1911, he had allowed the Mackmen exactly one run – and the A’s were hitters, indeed.  Their season average for 1911 had been .297.

Then in the ninth, Eddie Collins had gone out, and only two men had stood between Matty and his fifth series victory over his victims.  Up had come Baker with the American League fans begging him to do to Matty what he had done to Marquard – and, incredible as it seemed, he did.

As home runs go, it hadn’t been much more than a long fly ball that sailed into the convenient right-field stand at the Polo Grounds, but it went far enough to tie the score and give Baker a nickname for life – “Home Run” Baker.

Snodgrass, the Giants center fielder, one of the smartest and greatest of base runners, had ripped Baker’s trousers almost off him, sliding into third in the first of the 10th inning.  With McGraw snarling, railing, jeering from the coaching line, the Giants made no secret of their hatred of Baker.  To them he was merely a lucky lout, a greenhorn who had by sheer accident homered off the two top pitchers of the season.


A view of the field during the second game from the right field corner - note the fans "sitting" on a pole, far left - Philadelphia Inquirer - October 17, 1911

But Baker had hit again, a scratch single in the eleventh which had been part of making of the run which had won, and Marquard in his “ghosted” article had quipped at Mathewson’s advice.

All that was in everybody’s mind – and mine, as on October 24 the fourth game came up.  The papers had had time to chew the sensation over and over, for it had rained for a week after the third game and now, with seven day’s rest, Mathewson was to try again – this time in Shibe Park.

The long delay hadn’t cooled excitement.  The press box was still as crowded as at the opening game.  This was the first World Series to be handled in the modern publicity fashion – the first to have as many as 50 telegraphers on the job – the first to wire the game play-by-play to points as distant as Havana, Cuba – the first to which newspapers in the Far West and South sent their own writers.  And though the A’s now had a lead of two games to one, the threat of the Giants was still great enough to keep fever high.


Michael "Nuf Ced" McGreevy Collection - Boston Public Library

It was a little after 1 o’clock when my long vigil ended.  Onto the field came the Giants with their immemorial swagger, chips still on their shoulders – the cocky, ornery, defiant men of Muggsy McGraw – the rip-roaring demons who had that season of 1911 set a record of 347 stolen bases – a record which would stand for another 31 years without any club ever coming nearer to it than the Senators’ 288 in 1913.

And here at long last they were.  I knew them from their pictures as, clad in dangerous black, they came strutting across toward their dugout.  McGraw had dressed his men in black, back in 1905 when he had humbled the Athletics, and he was playing hunches now.

Muggsy was first – stocky, hard-eyed.  Behind him came slim, handsome Snodgrass, the great base-stealer who was a genius at getting hit by pitched balls and in scaring infielders with his flashing spikes.  Then came swart, ominous Larry Doyle; lantern-jawed Art Fletcher; Buck Herzog, whose nose curved like a scimitar; lithe little Josh Devore; burly Otis Crandall; flat-faced mahogany-colored Chief Meyers, the full-blooded Indian; Fred Merkle, all muscles even in his jaws, a lion-heart living down the most awful bonehead blunder ever made in baseball.


Rube Marquard

There came Marquard, 6 feet 3, his sharp face wreathed in a smile – his head tilting to the left at the top of a long wry neck – Marquard the meteoric.  At 19 years of age he had been bought at a record price from Indianapolis and had immediately flopped two straight years for McGraw, becoming the nationally goatish “$11,000 lemon.”  Then in 1911, he had flamed out, won 24 games and become the “$11,000 beauty.”

As the Giants began to toss the ball around, I couldn’t see my hero, the Mathewson who I had come to see, the great one who from the time I was 9 I had pretended I was, playing ball in the Indiana cow pasture, throwing his famous “fadeaway” which, for me, never came off.  Then, suddenly, there he was, warming up and growling “Who am I working for, the Giants or the photographers,” as the cameramen, not 20 feet from my popeyed head, begged him for poses.

I was let down for a minute.  He didn’t speak like a demi-god, but as I stared, he looked it, all the same.  He held his head high, and his eye with slow, lordly contempt swept the Athletics as they warmed up across the field.  He was 31, all bone and muscle and princely poise.  Surely he would get those Athletics today and put the Giants back in the running.  Surely his unique “fadeaway,” the curve that broke backward, his speed, his snapping curve, his fabulous brain couldn’t be stopped.  It had been luck that had beaten him in the last game.  Now he’d get them.



My eye never left him till the bell rang, and he strode, hard but easy, with the swing of the aristocrat, into the dugout and little Josh Devore went up to hit.

Josh singled, Doyle tripled, Snodgrass scored Larry with a long fly.  Black figures were flying everywhere.  The big copper-colored Chief Bender on Mack’s mound was wobbling, and when the side was finally out he practically ran for the dugout.  Later, we learned, he had run in to cut out bandages from his ribs, from an old injury.  After that he was to be unworkable.

Up came the Athletics. Matty, as though in princely disdain, fanned the first two men.  The third man, Eddie Collins, singled.  Here came Baker, his sun-tanned face tense, his bat flailing – the air thick with one word from 25,000 throats, “Homer! Homer!”

Matty studied him as a scientist contemplates a beetle, then struck him out!  What I yelled, I don’t know.  All I remember is standing there bellowing and paying no heed to the wadded newspapers the Athletic fans around me threw.  It was wonderful.


John Meyers and Charles Bender

In the fourth, Baker came up to start it and doubled.  Dannie Murphydoubled, Harry Davis doubled.  Ira Thomas hit a sacrifice fly – three runs.  It couldn’t be.  Up came Baker again in the fifth with Collins on first and another double boomed across the diamond.  I saw Snodgrass eventually stop it, but he didn’t really have it in his glove at all.  It had stuck in my gullet.

Right in front of me an unthinkable thing happened.  Hooks Wiltse, the southpaw, began warming up for the Giants.  Was Matty knocked out?  Another figure rose from the bull pen.  Rube Marquard.  He didn’t warm up, he only strolled up and down, a great sardonic grin on his face.  The fans around me were screaming at him, “You’re even with Matty now, Rube! He won’t tell you what to pitch anymore!” etc., etc.  Rube smirked at them.

Matty got by without more scores, but in the seventh with a man on third Christy walked Baker and Shibe’s walls waved in a cyclone of “boos.” I wished I was dead.

The eighth.  A pinch hitter went up for Mathewson.  I was sorry I hadn’t died in the seventh.  Finally it was all over.


Like Lewis, the Philadelphia Inquirer believed the world stopped for the 1911 Fall Classic

I walked out through 25,000 of the most loathsome individuals ever created – all jeering at Mathewson, all howling Baker’s virtues.  I dragged my feet this way and that trying to escape the currents of fans.  At the end of a dolorous mile I stopped at a saloon.  I had never had a drink.  Now was the time.

“Beer,” I said in the voice of Poe’s raven.

“You ain’t 21,” the bartender rasped.  Then he took a second look, and saw that I was 100 years old, and splashed a great stein in front of me.

I took one swallow.  It was bitter, just as bitter as everything else in the world.  I laid down a nickel and walked out.  Every step of the way downtown I kept telling myself that in my coffin, some day, there’d be only room for one thing besides myself – my hatred of the Athletics.

But what I started out to tell was about my greatest day in baseball.  That came three years later, October 9, 1914, when the lowly despised Boston Braves walloped, humbled, trampled, laughed at the lofty Athletics to the tune of 7 to 1.  I came out of Shibe Park, spent hours hunting that same saloon, but I couldn’t find it. It had to be that one.  What I wanted to do was to walk in all alone – find nobody else in there – order two beers, and when the bartender looked inquiringly at the extra one, say to him in a condescending voice, “Oh, that? That’s for Mathewson.”





Thursday, October 10, 2024

A Hundred Years Later - Remembering One of Baseball's Greatest Games

My first World Series experience was the 1956 Fall Classic when my beloved Brooklyn Dodgers fell to the hated New York Yankees in seven games.  Three of the next four series also went seven games, culminating with the 1960 Yankees – Pirates series, decided by one of the greatest games of all time.  Based on that experience, I grew up assuming a long series full of dramatic moments was the norm.  Only much later did I realize that like the early Super Bowls, there wasn’t much drama in the first 20 World Series.  Through 1923, only two went seven games with the 1909 Pirates-Tigers series ending with an anti-climactic 8-0 Pittsburgh triumph.  The sole exception, and it was a big exception, was the 1912 Giants – Red Sox series where Boston won an epic seventh game with a come-from-behind rally in the bottom of the 10th. 



Official 1924 World Series Program

The long drought of World Series excitement ended in 1924 with the first of three consecutive seven-game series each with a dramatic, tension-filled final game.  The 1924 series stands out because like the 1960 version it ended with one of the greatest games ever played.  Incredibly, a Kinogram video of highlights from that game survives in the Library of Congress. The 1924 contenders couldn’t have been more different.  Representing the senior circuit were John McGraw's New York Giants appearing in the World Series for the fourth straight time and ninth overall. On the American League side, not only were the Washington Senators in their first World Series, only two of their players had any post-season experience. 


Unlikely American League champions, the Washington Senators were no longer "First in War, First in Peace and Last in the American League" 

Among those playing in their first World Series was Washington’s Hall of Fame pitcher Walter "Big Train" Johnson. After years of pitching for bad teams, Johnson, now 37, finally had an opportunity to cap off his brilliant career with a World Series victory.  Johnson started the first game for Washington and suffered a heartbreaking 4-3 loss in 12 innings, a game John McGraw claimed was the greatest in World Series history.  Given his long experience with October baseball, McGraw knew what he was talking about, but the Giant manager should have held that thought for a few days.  Johnson also lost the fifth game, but Washington won three of the other four games setting up the first seventh game since in a dozen years. 


Walter Johnson - the "Big Train"

Considering what happened in the seventh game of the 1924 series, it’s no surprise that when the Chicago Daily News began asking players to choose their greatest day in baseball, four picked the October 10, 1924 game.  To remember, in a small way, the 100th anniversary of that memorable day, this post will use two of those memories to give a sense of what made the game so special.  The recollections of Johnson and his catcher, Muddy Ruel are especially important because the two were at the heart of the action and had, to put it mildly, endured a frustrating series to that point.  Johnson had come up short twice in his attempts to win a World Series game and it looked unlikely he would have another chance.  Ruel wasn’t doing much better, going hitless through six games.  


Herold "Muddy" Ruel

Washington scored first on 26-year-old player-manager Bucky Harris'fourth-inning home run.  Beyond that, however, for the first seven innings, Washington was helpless against Giants pitcher Virgil Barnes who faced only 23 batters, allowing just one run on three hits.  New York rallied in the sixth, scoring three times for a 3-1 lead going to the bottom of the eighth.  With only six outs left, Washington’s chances were looking increasingly bleak.  But with one out, pinch hitter Nemo Leibold came to the plate.


Virgil Barnes

Muddy Ruel

“In the eighth Leibold doubled for us and I was up.  I hadn’t made a hit in the whole series, and I could feel the crowd sigh as I came to the plate.  I singled.  Then with two out Harris bounced a sharp one a little to Lindstrom's left.  It hopped over Freddie’s head and, coming in behind Liebold, I scored the tying run."



At 18, Hall of Famer Fred Lindstrom was, and remains, the youngest player ever to play in the World Series

A seventh and deciding World Series game was now tied headed to the top of the ninth – the stuff of baseball legends. But what happened next drove the excitement to a new level.

Muddy Ruel

"The yell from the crowd [when I scored the tying run] wasn’t any louder or longer, however, than a few minutes later when Walter Johnson came out to pitch the ninth.  Washington was crazy for him to get even for the two lacings the Giants had given him."


Stanley "Bucky" Harris

Walter Johnson

"I’ll always believe that Harris gambled on me because of sentiment, but he said no.  He just told me: You’re the best we got Walter . . . we've got to win or lose with you.”

Johnson got the first out in the top of the ninth bringing up the dangerous Frankie Frisch.

Muddy Ruel

“That dad-gummed Frisch hit a triple to center. The ball seemed never to stop rolling and I was crazy for fear Frisch would come clear home.”


Frankie Frisch reaches third with the potential go-ahead run

Walter Johnson

“We decided to pass Ross Young and then I struck out George Kelly [Kelly hit 21 regular season home runs and led the National League with 136 RBIs] and "Irish" Meusel grounded to third.”

In the bottom of the ninth, Washington had runners on first and third with only one out, but a double play ended their chance for a walk-off win.

After getting through the top of the tenth, Johnson came to the plate with an opportunity to help his own cause. According to sportswriter Bill Corum,” Johnson “ drove a mighty fly to deep left center, but it lacked a few feet of being long enough for a home run, which would have turned a great game into an epic.”


George "High Pockets" Kelly - one of four Hall of Famers that Johnson struck out in the seventh game

Still tied at 3-3, the game headed to the top of the eleventh.  The Giants had a runner on second with one out and Frisch, Ross Youngs and Kelly, all future Hall of Famers coming up.  According to Corum “There was a prayer on every pitch [to Frisch], but there was something else on them too.  Frisch will tell you that.  He swung three times and sat down.”  It was the Fordham Flash’s only strikeout in 30 at-bats in the series. Johnson then walked Youngs intentionally and struck out Kelly for the second time.  In his four innings of relief, Johnson struck out five – all future Hall of Famers.

Washington had two on and two out in the bottom of the eleventh but couldn’t score.  

New York got a runner on base in the top of the 12th but he was stranded. Once again Washington came up with a chance to win the game and the series.



Hank Gowdy

Muddy Ruel

“Miller started our 12th going out at first.  I hit a high foul over the plate, and everybody said, “Two outs,” but Hank Gowdy, the Giants catcher, stepped on his mask, stumbled, dropped the ball, and on the next pitch, like a sinner forgiven, a lifer pardoned, I doubled, my second hit of the whole series."

Johnson reached first on an error, while Ruel stayed at second.

Muddy Ruel

"[Earl" McNeeley up.  He bounced one sharply but straight to Lindstrom, who was about 12 feet from third base.  Running hard, I figured all I could do on a sure out like that would be to throw myself to the left of the diamond in front of Freddie and try to get him to try and tag me instead of throwing to first.  I saw Freddie hold his hands ready at his chest for the ball, then I saw him jump up.  The ball had hit a pebble and bounced way over his head.  I swerved back into the baseline, tagged third and came home with the winning run.  Meusel had no chance to get me. It was over.  We were in!”


Ruel nears home with the winning run

Walter Johnson

"I could feel tears smarting in my eyes as Ruel came home with the winning run.  I’d won. We’d won.  I felt so happy that it didn’t seem real.  They told me in the clubhouse that President Coolidge kept watching me all the way into the clubhouse and I remember someone yelling: “I’d bet Cal’d like to change places with you right now, Walter."

A long time later Mrs. Johnson and I slipped away to a quiet little restaurant where I used to eat on Vermont Avenue, in Washington and do you know that before we were through with our dinner 200 telegrams had been delivered there.  I never thought so many people were pulling for me to win, because the Giants were pretty popular.  When we packed up and went home to Kansas we had three trunks full of letters from fans all over the world.  Mrs. Johnson answered about 75 every day for me . . . and we still didn’t finish until after Christmas."

In the 100 years since that memorable day in Washington, baseball has had no shortage of great games.  Few, however, were the final act on the game's biggest stage for its ultimate prize.  Ruel and Johnson's personal memories help us to remember and commemorate a game that should never be forgotten.



Wednesday, October 2, 2024

When September Still Mattered - To the Last Pitch

St. Louis' loss in Pittsburgh and Brooklyn's sweep in Boston produced another 180-degree emotional shift in a pennant race already full of twists and turns.  Somewhat surprisingly, the first loss to the Pirates hadn't dampened the optimism in St. Louis. The prevailing attitude was that even if the Cardinals lost again in Pittsburgh, things “still would be all right” because the Dodgers weren’t going to sweep the doubleheader in Boston.  But now that what seemed impossible had happened, St. Louis' pennant hopes suffered a major hit.  Meanwhile, in Brooklyn, the lament that the World Series ticket process was a mere formality, turned into a sunrise celebration at Grand Central Station.  Cheering fans and the Dodger Sym-Phony band greeted the 6:30 a.m. train from Boston.  Recognizing the race was far from over and more prudent than Cardinals manager Dyer, Burt Shotton deflected a reporter’s question about the team’s pennant chances by replying “Good morning!”


The situation as play began on Saturday, the next to the last day of the season  - St. Louis Globe-Democrat - October 1, 1949

But no matter how deep the despair in St. Louis, the Cardinals, like the Dodgers, still had their fate in their own hands.  If St. Louis won the three games with the last-place Cubs, they too were guaranteed no worse than a first-place tie. Winning the first game would be a major step in the right direction, tying them with the idle Dodgers.  The Cardinals got off to a good start, scoring twice in the top of the first, but the lead proved short-lived.  In the bottom of the inning, Max Lanier, who had shut the Dodgers out in his last start, surrendered back-to-back home runs.  Chicago took a 4-2 lead in the third and the Cardinals never caught up, losing 6-5.  With only two games left, St. Louis was one back in a race, they had seemingly controlled just a few days earlier.


Dick Young - acerbic New York Daily News reporter.  Earlier in the 1949 season he had accused the Dodgers of choking and lobbied for the firing of manager Burt Shotton

Saturday began with the possibility of a Brooklyn pennant by nightfall or a flat-footed tie after 153 games.  In Chicago, Dyer chose veteran Harry Brecheen, the winner of three games in the 1946 World Series. Chicago countered with Bob Chipman who hadn't won a game in almost three months.  The matchup clearly favored the Cards, but the Cubs weren’t finished playing spoiler.  In the bottom of the first, Chicago’s leadoff batter, Hal Jeffcoat homered on Brecheen’s first pitch. It was only Jeffcoat’s second home run of the season.  If that wasn’t enough, Hank Sauer drove in the Cubs' second run with a “freak” double, hit while falling away from the plate.  The two first-inning runs were enough as the Cards managed only one run, leaving 12 men on base.  Just over 20,000 spectators, mostly Cardinal fans, watched and suffered through the 3-1 loss.  About 2,000 remained in their seats for the ultimate exercise in scoreboard-watching.


Although he was from Brooklyn and began his career there, Bob Chipman's greatest contribution to the Dodgers was pitching for the Cubs when he beat the Cardinals on the season's next to last day. 

They were following the score from Philadelphia, where earlier a crowd dominated by Dodger fans “stormed the Shibe Park gates . . . and brought with them a World Series atmosphere.”   They were rewarded with "a brilliantly waged duel" worthy of any Fall Classic  Playing the spoiler role to the hilt, the Phillies started Ken Heintzelman who was 5-0 against Brooklyn.  Burt Shotton chose Ralph Branca because he had recovered from his blister, regained his manager’s trust or Shotton had no other options – perhaps all of the above.  Brooklyn led 2-0 after two innings, but as Dick Young warned ominously, it “should have been closer to 20-0.”  And it didn’t get much better on a day the Dodgers got nine hits, benefitted from 11 walks, but left 15 men on base.  Brooklyn led 3-1 going to the bottom of the sixth, only 12 outs away from the National League pennant. But the lead quickly evaporated on Dick Sisler’s triple and Del Ennis’ home run. 


In 1949 fans had limited ways to scoreboard watch.  Newspapers tried to help out by updates in the different editions published throughout the day.  Here the Eagle got a little carried away with the use of the word "rout" - Brooklyn Daily Eagle - October 1, 1949

Unwilling to press his luck with Branca, Shotton brought in seldom-used, second-year pitcher Carl Erskine, but the move blew up in the Brooklyn manager's face. Seminick apparently determined to deny Brooklyn the pennant singlehandily, greeted Erskine with a home run.  After the next two batters reached base, Shotton turned to Jack Banta who had failed so miserably against the Phils a week earlier.  This time the result was different.  Banta needed only one pitch to induce Mike Goliat to hit into an inning-ending double play.  Brooklyn tied the game in the top of the eighth, but with two on and one out, they were unable to take the lead.  


Wally Jones' eighth-inning home run meant the race would go down to the season's last day - Philadelphia Inquirer - October 2, 1949

Understandably wanting to win a pennant that was so tantalizingly close, Shotton brought in Preacher Roe, hoping the left-hander could duplicate his recent magic in relief.  Roe, however, typically needed more rest than other pitchers and had gone nine innings just two days earlier.  It was, as the Eagle noted, an act of “desperation.”  The Dodger left-hander got out of a jam in the seventh, but his luck ran out in the eighth.  After a one-out walk, Willie Jones hit a home run to put the Phils ahead 6-4 and Brooklyn had no answers in the ninth.  At Wrigley Field the final score produced a "roar . . . [that] echoed over the neighborhood.” Almost simultaneously, Dodger fans in Philadelphia headed for trains, cars and hotels frustrated over another missed opportunity and worried about what tomorrow would bring


Philadelphia's Ken Heintzelman was a Dodger killer up until the last game of the season.

Over the course of the 1949 National League season, 620 games had been played without determining a champion.  However, as the players and fans woke up on Sunday, October 2nd, the possibilities were clear.  St. Louis’ only hope was a win and a Dodger loss to force a tie and a playoff series.  Otherwise, their season was over.  Brooklyn by virtue of its one-game lead knew its season couldn’t end that day.  Either a win or a Cardinals' loss gave Brooklyn the pennant while if St. Louis’ hopes were realized, the Dodgers would play in a best-of-three playoff series.  Given the painful memories of the 1946 playoff loss to these same Cardinals, neither the Dodger players nor fans wanted to repeat that experience.  But since the Phillies had come from behind to beat Brooklyn twice in one week, no one thought a victory in Sunday’s finale would be easy.


Dodger fans at Shibe Park hoping their heroes will make their signs a reality on the scoreboard - Philadelphia Inquirer - October 3, 1949

As limited as the Cardinals' chances were, almost 31,000 fans, most of them rooting for St. Louis crowded into Wrigley Field.  Mercifully for their sake, the Cardinals wasted little time doing their part, jumping off to a 6-1 lead and coasting to a 13-5 victory.  With their task in hand, the Cardinal faithful at Wrigley Field and those listening on the radio concentrated on updates from Philadelphia.  In the greater New York area, Dodger fans tuned into Red Barber’s radio broadcast.  Others, determined to see for themselves, again flocked to Shibe Park.  Unscientifically, Dick Young estimated that 35,000 of the 36,765 on hand were Dodger fans, giving Brooklyn no shortage of fan support.  A parking lot with cars from every Middle Atlantic and New England state except Maine confirmed that it was another “World Series atmosphere.”


Winner-take-all pennant races offer players the chance for redemption in crucial moments.  In 1949 no one epitomized that role more than Brooklyn's Jack Banta.

Once again it was a game worthy of the Fall Classic.  Brooklyn struck first, scoring five times in the third.  When the score was posted at Wrigley Field, Cardinal fans let out disappointed “ahs and ohs.” Just an inning later, however, the Phillies cut the margin to 5-4, and the St. Louis faithful responded with “tremendous shouts of joy”.  The key blow was another home run by Willie Jones, this time a three-run shot.  Brooklyn added two runs in the fifth on Campanella’s double, but the Brooklyn catcher was stranded at third.  Rex Barney relieved Newcombe in the fourth, gave up one run in the fifth and then got in trouble in the sixth.  With two out, two on and one in, Shotton once again turned to Jack Banta who allowed a game-tying single.  A “thunderous shout” greeted the score at Wrigley Field.  It was the final emotional swing of the pennant race with Cardinal fans seeing a possible path to the pennant while Dodger fans feared the worst.


Pee Wee Reese slides across the plate with the run that gave the Dodgers the lead in the top of the tenth.  Brooklyn Daily Eagle, October 3, 1949

Although Banta got out of the inning without further damage, Dodger fans couldn't have been confident with their team’s fate in the hands of someone who had failed so miserably just a week ago.  To make matters worse, Dodger killer, Heintzelman took over the pitching for Philadelphia.  In another moment of frustration, the Dodger loaded the bases in the top of the seventh but failed to score.  However, Banta, with the pennant in the balance, rose to the occasion, setting the side down in order in the seventh and eighth. But in the ninth, he walked the leadoff batter, putting the winning run on base and offering Philadelphia the chance for a walk-off win.  Banta, however, was still up to the challenge and retired the next three batters.  Finally, in the tenth, Brooklyn broke through with two runs giving Brooklyn a 9-7 lead.  
 


Some of the estimated 25,000 fans waiting for their Dodgers at Grand Central Station.  Note the relatively diverse crowd - Brooklyn Daily Eagle - October 3, 1949

To add one final stressful moment to the race, the Phillies got a runner on base in the bottom of the tenth, bringing the tying run to the plate. But Luis Olmo caught Richie Ashburn’s fly ball for the last out and Dodger fans let loose “a demonstration of unrestrained joy that sent thrills up and down the spines of many neutral observers." A joy that echoed throughout countless homes, bars and other gathering places back in Brooklyn. To Stan Baumgartner of the Philadelphia Inquirer it was a game “that for tense moments, spine thrilling situations and crowd enthusiasm far out shadowed a World Series contest and has seldom been equaled in regular season play.”  But Dodger captain Pee Wee Reese might have put it best when he said, “Even though we won, I could sit right down and cry.”  For very different reasons, many in both St. Louis and Brooklyn were ready to join him.  September had indeed mattered.